BUQQIFAMA OROMOOTA SHAGGARII fi NAANNOO ISAA – Kutaa Lammaffaa.

Taammanaa Bitimaa irraa | Guraandhala 27, 2014

DURADUBBII

Barreeffama kutaa tokkoffaa akka argattanii dubbiftan nan abdaddha. Isa dabre matadurree “SEENSA” jedhamu jalatti otoo hin xumuratin bulleeyyu. Kunis waan barreeffanni sun dheeratee isin hin nuffisiifnee fi yeroo keessan isin jalaa hin balleessineef jedhameeti. Yeroo ammaa kana jiruu fi jireenyi namoota keenyas tahee kanneen biroo olii-gadi fiffiigsisaa, waan jiruuf yeroon nama jalaa hanqata. Ani kanaafan barreeffata kanas tahee, kanneen biroo kutaa kutaan gaggabaabsee dhiyeessuu filaddhe. Isinis mala kana akka deeggartan nan abdaddha. Egaa, mee amma bakkuma dhaabate sana irraa kaaafameeti itti-fufamaa, kutaa isa kanas mee duukaa-bu’uuf yaalaa!

SEENSA

Ammas seenaa Oromoota Kurnan Gullallee isa nama boochisuu fi isa nama boonsisuu sanitu itti-fufama. Kan nama boochisu: waan gara-jabeessummaan daangaa hin qabne, warra Minilik gorraatota uummata Oromoo fi uummatoota Kibbaa sanaan irratti adeemsifameefi. Kan nama boonsisu garuu, kutannoo fi jagnummaa Oromoota Gullallee kana. Ni yaadattu yoo tahe, kutaa tokkoffaa keessatti: “Akkuman kanaan dura barreefamoota kiyya lamaa-sadii keessatti ibsuuf yaale, gichilloonni Gullallee kun, ee gichilloonni sanyii gichillootaa waraana Minilik isa guguddaa ennaa lama moyanii ofirraa deebisaniiti, isa sadaffaa irratti humna qawwee ibiddaatiin moyamuu dandayani.” Jedheetan tureeyyu.

Namoonni keenya tokko tokko, kanneen keessaa gariin kan waayee seenaa Oromoo sirriitti hin qalbeeffatin, “raas” warra Habashaa Goobana Daaccii waan naannoo Oromiyaa isa Tuulamaa-Macca, jechuun Oromiyaa Waltajjii irraa bayeef, Oromoonni naannoo kanaa marti waan isa duukaa turan itti-fakkaata. Barumsa Oromoo: isa mana ofiitti ibidda qaqqaammachaa baratan san, isa bakka Oromoon walgaye maratti ibsamu san, isa gaafa namni du’ee beektonni seenaa namoonni sadii ka’anii lallabaan ibsan san, isa gafa goonni, jagni, gamni, arjaanii fi namni uummataan jaalatamu du’e, fardi maxaabiriin fe’amuun yaa’ee, namni akka loltuu warra Lixaa kanaatti kan qabu qawwee qabatee, kan dhabe immoo eeboo faa, shimala faa qabateetoo tarree galee yaa’u san keessatti beektonni seenaa sangaa fardaatiin olii-gad garmaamaa “eessan dhaqxu” jechaa, seenaa nama sanii, kan warra isaa hanga babala 12 faatti, seenaa lammii (qomoo) fi gosa isaa faa himan keessatti kan dhiyaatu san callaa irraayyii miti. Isa gaafasuma yeedalloo “oofan” jedhamuun:*

“Oofan, oofan-oofan! (isa baasu)
Oofan, oofan! (warra jalaa qabu)
Oofan, oofan-oofan!
Oofan, oofan!
Abbaan biyyaa du’ee
Egaa seerri badee maaltu walgaafataa? (tarreen afran kunis kan isa baasuti)
Ee, maaltu walgaafataa! (w.j.)
Abbaa bokkuu du’ee
Egaa seerri badee maaltu walgaafataa?
Eekaa, maaltu walgaafataa!

Qaccee gootaa,yaa gootakoo! (i.b.)
Ee, yaa gootakoo! (w.j.)
Sanyii Abbaa Gadaa, yaa leencakoo! (i.b.)
Ee, ee yaa leencakoo! (w.j)
Qaccee Halloo Bokkuu yaa leencakoo! (i. b.)
Dhuguma-kaa yaa leencakoo! (w j.) **

Dhiyaatu san qofa keessattis miti. Barreessitoonni Biyya Faranjii jechuun Oroppaa bara akaakayyuu Minilik faa irraa kaasanii, waraanuma warra Habashaa duukaa deemuun kan barreessanii, tarreessanii kaayantu jira. Barreessitoota keenya keessaa isa kana kan faaraan dubbisee faaraan dhimma ittiin bawu, obboleessi keenya Barachiis (Pirof.) Makuraa Bulchaa qofa, jechuutoo dandayama.*** Anis wanneen akkanaatti hedduun giroo ittiin baya. Amaan tana silaa ijoolleen warra abbaa mancaas sun nutti ka’anii, waraana isaanii xuraawaa fi cubbamaa kanaanillee “waraana qulqulluu” jedhanii, nuti sirriitti galmee seenaa jala-deemuun isa keessaa, dhugaa fi dhugoo guggurree addunyaa fuulduratti akka jarreen kun qullaa ofii dhaabatanii muldhatan isaan taasisuu dha.

Naannolee Afran Walisoo fi Jahan Bachootti: “Oromoon goonda-dhaa boolla goondaa harka hin kaayini! Oromoon kanniisaa gaagura kanniisaa hin horfini!“, jedhe Bitimaa Soondhessaa jedhama. Kan inni jedheef, nafxanyoota fi mootummaa isaanii isa manneen hidhaa Karcallee faatti, mana hidhaa namni seene hin baane, kan golfaan nama galaafatu, “Mana Hidhaa Ejersaa” isa magaalaa Walisoo cinaatti Laga Ejersaa irratti ijaarame faa sanaafi. Warra hardha “boolla goondaa harka” kaawuu fi “gaagura kanniisaa” horfuun, addunyaa gara fuulduraatti daran tarkaanfatte tana keessatti gara duubaatti daran deebiyuun: Aannolee, Calanqoo, Gullallee fi Darraa faatti “siidaan Minilik haa ijaaramu” nuun jedhan kana, dhugaa fi dhugoo qabannee dura gorra! Yommuu kana goonus miseensota gita-bittee isaanii fi muummiyyeewwan (iliitota) isaanii kanaa fi uummata isanii addaan-baafachuuni. Aadaa keenya keessaa isa safuu fi safeefata jedhamuu fi isa amantii Oromoo Waaqeffannaa keessatti: “ilmoon namaa hundi, afaan namaa hundi, amantiin namaa hundi — faa waan uumaa WAAQAA tahaniif kabajamuu qabu!” jedhamu, daqiiqaa takkaafillee hin irraanfannu! Eekaa, otoo Tokkummaan Mootummoota Waltahanii (ToMoWa - “UNO“) bara 1945 keessa kanneen akkanaa kana hin labsin dura, durii durii yaa’ii ofii kan Gadaa irratti tumateeyyu Oromoon keenya. Nuuf kana faatu qaroomina (“civilization“) sonaan tarkaanfate keessatti ramadama.

Akkanuma warra ammas, bardhibbee 21-ffaa kana keessallee uummata Oromoo isa naannoo magaalaa Finfinnee Shaggar, warra dur buqqifama Minilik faa adeemsisan sana irraa mimmiliqee hafe, buqqisaa jiran kanas dhugaa fi dhugoo qabannee dura gorra. Dura gorrees sagalee tokkoon addunyaa guutuutti, ilmoo namaa hundatti dhageessifanna! Haa tahuutii, kutaan kun asuma irratti dhaabata. Kutaa isa kanatti aanee dhufu keessatti waayee seenaa Oromoota Gullallee, seenaa isaanii isan waggaalee hedduu dura walitti qabe keessaan waa isiniif dhiyeessaa, mee hammasitti nagaa fi nageenyi qeyee hunda keessanii irraa hin dhabamini!

==============    Hubachiisota Miiljalee    ==============

* Inni “oofan” jedhamu kun keessumaa naannolee: Sadeen Sooddoo, Afran Walisoo, Kudhalamaan Caboo, Jahan Ammayyaa fi Torban Kuttaayee faatti akka malee beekamaa dha. Kun kan jedhamuuf: warra abbootii biyyaa, abbootii Gadaa, gootota, jagnoota fi gamnoota fayiifi! Waanan bara 1998 keessa magaalaa Walisootti waayee naannoo Wancii, isa magaalaa Walisoo irra kiilomeetira 30 callaa fagaate argamuu, abbootii seenaa Afran Walisoo beekamoo keessaa tokko kan ture, Baqqalaa Bantii Beellamoo Roggee irraa dhagayeen as irratti isiniif yoon dhiyeesse, waayee “Oofanii” kana sirriitti isinii addeessa. Bara Darguu irraa kaasee: “dhuudhaan oofanii kun borcamaa deemee, abbaadhuma fe’eefuu “oofan” jechuun calqabame. Booda beekaa fi gamni Wancii, Baqqalaa Magarsaa Ita’aa yaa’ii Wancii irratti yaada tokko dhiyeesse. Kunis dhuudhaan oofanii baduu hin qabu. Yoo namni hundumtuu wal haa qixxaatu kan jettan ta’emmoo eenyumaafuu “oofan” jechuun haa hafu.” Erga baay’ee irratti mariyatamee booda walumaa galteen nama hundumaa walqixxeessuuf jedhamee, akka gaaf sana irraa kaasee eenyumaafuu “oofan” hin jedhamne dhoowwame. Booda xinnoo ture Baqqalaa Magarsaa du’e. Wanci guutuun yaa’ee, Qaqaldhii fi Caboonis itti-dabalamanii isa “oofan” jechaa awwaalani. Warri Baqqalaa Magarsaa Ita’aa Golgaa Goolee otoo Sidaamni biyya keenya hin qababatin, warra yaa’ii gadaatiin filamuun biyya bulchan turani. Isaan warra abbootii biyyaa kan Wancii keessatti argamu. Kanaaf, gaafa inni du’e sana biyyi buqqa’ee bawuun isa “oofan” jechuun gaggeesse.”

** Halloo Bokkuu gootota akkaan beekamoo kan naannoo Afran Walisoo keessaa isa tokko. Inni abbaa Ilaansoo Halloo, gooticha bara warranni Minilik biyya Afran Walisoo
dirree waraanaatti cabsee qabate sana qabamee, gara Ankoobaritti dabarfamuun mana hidhaa keessatti du’ee sanaati. Ilaansoo Halloo otoo gara biyya Habashaatti hin
dabarfamin mana hidhaa isa jalqabaa, kan nafxanyoonni naannoo kanatti dursanii ijaarratan keessa taa’ee, walaloodhaan kan dhaadate kanaan dura isinii dhiyeesseen ture.

*** Mee barreeffata Prof. Makuraa Bulchaa isa “gadaa.com“, irratti baye: “A Decade after the Aborted Oromo Eviction from Finfinnee: A Persistent Story of Expropriation, Humiliation
and Displacement“, ilaalaa!

SOMALIA’S SULLIED SECURITY and Ethiopification of AMISOM.

“We cannot have our right hand tied in our back and be asked to defend ourselves with our crippled left hand.” – Abdirahman Sheikh Issa

February 27, 2014 (Eurasia Review) — The recent al-Shabaab attack at the heart of the government’s compound, Villa Somalia, marks a turning point; both in terms of the audacity of the group’s militancy and the massive military campaign that the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) and AMISOM are set to unleash.

This may cause a considerable loss to al-Shabaab, especially in terms of territories and hardware, but to count the overtly advertised March campaign as the deadly finale in which these militant extremists would be buried is a quixotic wish, to say the least.

When a security failure of such magnitude occurs, the natural reaction is to ask: how did it happen and who dropped the ball? This type of crisis-inspired scrutiny and discontent often provides an opportunity to institute new policies, improve or overhaul strategies; but, only when natural reactions are not subservient to the politics of exploitation.

Relentless Arrows

With lingering political polarization, damning report by UN Monitoring Group, and seemingly relentless media campaign, any kneejerk reaction to write off the current government—hence any opportunity to salvage the Somali state—is understandable, though not acceptable. Indeed, FGS has made some strategic mistakes and in the process drained much of its political and social capital, but throwing it under the bus, at this critical juncture, is not an option.

FGS has sent a detailed rebuttal to the UN Sanctions Committee chair to illustrate how political the latest UN Monitoring Group charges and their recommendation to re-impose arms embargo on Somalia are; and it is set to dispute the charges before the Security Council on March 6th. One of the most outrageous things done by the Monitoring Group is revealing the clan affiliation of the government officials that they implicated. While it does not matter to the Security Council and UN Sanctions Committee whether implicated government officials were from clan X or Y, such revelation does matter to the Somali audience and could widen inter-clan divide and hostilities.

The Shrinking Nation Syndrome

What do countries such as Somalia, Libya, and Yemen have in common? Aside from being natural-resource-rich and having ample self-destructive elite who are willing to sell their proverbial farms for ego messages and a few pennies, they are three representations of an unfolding saga of bloody and clannish sectarian feuds fueled by hate narratives. They are set to turn their respective countries into chronically dependent para-states that are perpetually hostile toward one another, and are helplessly exposed for exploitation.

It is no secret that there are some domestic, regional and international actors who overtly or covertly facilitate, propel or manufacture the fait accompli in such countries. Security issues cannot be dealt with as though they exist in vacuum.

“I submit that Balkanized, Somalia represents a new and sizable experiment for privatization / globalization and enclave investment in a conveniently self-cleft society. Once this process truly begins, it will likely be irreversible and will signal the beginning of a new trend / policy for weak / failed states. It may create wealth for a few local elites, but will probably be to the detriment of all others,” argues Paul Camacho.

Against that broader backdrop, let me say this: Security in Somalia is, for lack of a more accurate description, a self-defeating apparatus of profound complexity. Within that framework, FGS—like the transitional governments before it—is left in a state of profound confusion, uncertainty and helpless dependency.

Everybody’s Business Is Nobody’s Business

In theory, AMISOM has the absolute authority in daytime (macro) security, and armed ghosts control the skies and grounds at night.

Virtually all monies donated to stabilize Somalia go to AMISOM and its multifaceted support security apparatus. Each component of this apparatus enjoys its own lucrative contract. Meanwhile, no serious attempt was made in the past decade to rebuild an adequately paid professional national army with its own barracks and warehouses, though each AMISOM soldier costs at least ten Somali soldiers. And no attempt was made to disarm.

Recently, a tentative bilateral agreement between Somalia and Turkey in which the latter was to help rebuild the Somali army was torpedoed in a number of different ways, including direct protest and pressure from certain influential members of IGAD that caused the previous government to cave in.
In the humanitarian and the development front, Turkey has been an effective outlier within a failed, but still glorified, international aid and development model. Under the latter model, security—like all other things—is outsourced, in-sourced, counter-sourced, and cross-sourced to various forces and political entities with regional and geopolitical interests that are often at odds with one another. These actors, a number of them being international nomadic mercenaries, are all protected behind highly secured camps and enjoy their Green Zone luxuries and, of course, impunities. Almost always, it is the $260 per month, under-trained and under-armed Somali soldiers—like the ones who foiled al-Shabaab’s mosque attack during Friday prayer—who are exposed to the greatest danger.

Against that backdrop, FGS is projected and is generally seen as an incompetent crony serving foreign interests against its own. It is time to streamline security and build an effective command and control.

Ethiopification of AMISOM

Though some beneficiary elites across Somalia might disagree, bringing Ethiopian troops on board as part of AMISOM will likely undermine security in the long-run, create humanitarian disaster, and ruin whatever credibility is left for the African Union troops.

In two years of occupation (2007-09) has earned a horrific record that includes indiscriminate massive killing of civilians, use of the banned white phosphorous bombs and human rights abuses that, according to Human Rights Watch, amounts to war crimes. It is hard to comprehend the naïve argument that the same soldiers who looted, raped, and confiscated pots and pans from families already on the verge of starvation are now so morally reformed that they came back to die in order to save Somalia.

Expectedly, some “experts” on Somalia are already making the case for such an argument. They point out the obvious that Ethiopia’s policy is “closely aligned with the aspirations of…Interim Jubba Authority, Puntland and Somaliland” while totally ignoring the fluidity of clan-based allegiance.

In the short foreseeable future, expect an Ethiopian general to take over AMISOM’s field command and for this controversial peace-keeping force to grow obese on Ethiopia’s field-tested Genetically Modified Intelligence. He who has the command of the data designs the strategy.

Status quo is an Off-the-Cliff Option

Contrary to the conventional perception, Somalia is facing an existential threat that is more potent and more extensive than al-Shabaab. That is not to say that we should not worry about al-Shabaab, or, in any way, minimize the ruthless violence emanating from them, their deranged interpretation of Islam, and their campaign to radicalize the youth. At the end of the day, al-Shabaab is an overt threat; as such, it is as widely exposed as the warlords before them.

Despite the current threats, FGS should not be terrorized into submission. The top leadership must not take for granted the last chance afforded to them to save Somalia. Military solutions might seem feasible, but considering the threat at hand and the illusive security dynamic on the ground, it would snow in Mogadishu before that occurs. With Hundreds of thousands of soldiers from the mightiest nation and the mightiest military alliance on earth and billions of dollars in cash, victory could not be secured in Afghanistan and Iraq. The lesson learned is that asymmetric warfare requires tailor-made strategies and willingness to keep the diplomacy and reconciliation doors open.

So, what’s the alternative? Immediately after the end of the upcoming phase, FGS should demonstrate its sincerity and commitment to genuine reconciliation, and appeal to the Security Council to replace AMISOM forces with UN Blue Beret while the reconciliation is taken place. Meanwhile, it should negotiate a bilateral agreement with Turkey to rebuild the Somali National Army. Surely there would be new waves of objections; but, this is a matter of existential importance.

Ethiopian natural resources at risk.

Shiferraw has been ringing the alarm for months, calling for due attention to protect Ethiopia’s unique flora and make good use of its genetic resources.

February 27, 2014 (World Bulletin) — A long drawn out patent row between Ethiopia and the Netherlands concerning teff – a highly nutritious ancient grain variety – has made headlines in Ethiopia, but a local official is worried that not only teff is in danger of being “looted.”

“A great many genetic resources of Ethiopia are in perpetual danger of being looted,” Aweke Shiferraw, communication director at the Ethiopian Intellectual Property Office, told Anadolu Agency in an exclusive interview.

Shiferraw has been ringing the alarm for months, calling for due attention to protect Ethiopia’s unique flora and make good use of its genetic resources.

Teff is indigenous to Ethiopia, where it accounts for one quarter of total cereal production. It is believed that teff originated in Ethiopia between 4000 BC and 1000 BC.

Eragrostis is the scientific name of one variety of teff, a staple food in Ethiopia that has been on Ethiopian tables for thousands of years. Eros is the Greek name for love, and Grostis is Greek for grass. It is therefore also known outside Ethiopia as “lovegrass.”

But ironically, some in Ethiopia believe teff is derived from “Teffa,” an Amharic word for “lost.”

The grain, known to be highly nutritional and high in calcium, is made into flour, fermented and baked into sourdough flatbread and eaten with various kinds of wot (stew) and sauces.

In 2005, the Ethiopian Institute of Biodiversity Conservation (IBC) and a Dutch company, Health and Performance Food International (HPFI), sealed an agreement that provides for access and benefit-sharing of teff.

But the deal was terminated in 2009 when the Dutch company went bankrupt.

“In the years prior to the bankruptcy, [the Dutch company's] directors had established other companies and transferred values to these companies, which continued to produce and sell teff flour and teff products, and to expand their activities to other countries and continents,” according to a relevant legal government document.

“Since it was the now-bankrupt HPFI that had been party to the agreement, these other firms – even though operating under the same directors and partly the same owners – could continue selling teff flour and teff products with no obligations towards Ethiopia,” the document read.

Always Ethiopian

Shiferraw said that he always wondered why people spoke about the teff patent case while overlooking the bigger picture.

“The awareness of the people in Ethiopia about the benefits of genetic resources is almost nil,” he said.

The benefits of genetic resources should be addressed and the necessary legal, institutional and operational frameworks should be put in place, Aweke urged.

Asked if teff was still considered Ethiopian, Awoke asserted: “Teff has always been, and always will be, Ethiopian.”

However, he pointed out that no naturally available resource could be patented. Only the practices, knowledge and special property associated with it could be patented, he explained.

“However, it’s not only teff that is in danger of being snatched away with no benefit to the country of origin – which is Ethiopia,” he said.

Trauma of Ethiopia’s needless baby deaths – Kate Garraway reports.

February 24, 2014 (Mirror News) — Daybreak’s Kate Garraway visits Ethiopia and sees firsthand the heart break of needless baby deaths.

Emotion: Kate holding Zewdit’s hand on the ward. Jiro Ose / Save the Children

Lying in her hospital bed, Zewdit Mekonen looked up at me with a bereft, haunted expression that I will never forget.

I listened as she recounted how she had gone into labour at her home. But then, sensing something was going badly wrong, she had started on the three-hour walk to her nearest hospital.

She was expecting twins and as she walked the first twin began to emerge. Zewdit feared he was dead as he was so quiet. In agony and terrified that she had already lost one baby, she staggered on, desperate not to lose the second.

After her horrific ordeal I hoped that the doctors at the Dessie Hospital in Ethiopia had been able to save at least one of Zewdit’s babies.

But no, all that awaited her at the end of her journey was heartbreak.

Doctors told her the terrible news: both her twins had died.

On top of that, medics said she may have to endure an operation which would prevent her from having any more children.

I felt compelled to take her hand and, via an interpreter, tell her I was a mother myself. We looked into each other’s eyes and she squeezed my hand.

It was as if we were saying to each other: “Our lives are so different but in our hearts we are the same.”

Except, of course, I could never really know what she had gone through.

Hope: Bahirnesh teaching how to be a birth attendant. Jiro Ose / Save the Children

True, I have given birth to two children, Darcey, seven, and four-year-old William. But when I think of all the things I fretted about before my first labour, they seem so shamefully minor compared to what Zewdit had to deal with.

My children are healthily thriving. I can’t help but think that if Zewdit’s had been born in a developed country her two babies would have had a chance too.

During my visit to Ethiopia for ITV’s Daybreak and Save the Children, I saw the horrendous circumstances in which some children are brought into this world – and how quickly they can leave it.

This corner of Africa is one of the most deprived in terms of the medical expertise, staff, resources and facilities we take for granted in Britain.

The Dessie Hospital serves seven million people and simply cannot cope. Every year, 28,000 Ethiopian babies don’t live more than 24 hours. Across the globe, that number is one million.

Even more heartbreakingly, a report from Save the Children, called Ending Newborn Deaths, shows it’s possible for the number of these first-day deaths to be halved.

The biggest danger comes from complications during labour which can be avoided if mothers and babies have greater access to free healthcare and skilled midwives. Save the Children is now calling on world leaders to commit to a blueprint for change which would start to provide the resources.

The scale of the problem was obvious when I visited the hospital in the Amhara region.

Struggle: Cardboard in intensive care unit.  Jiro Ose / Save the Children

Even if an infant isn’t one of the 1.2 million who are stillborn around the world every year, they are at serious risk in those first few hours. It is not hard to see why.In the intensive care unit at the hospital the few cots they have are clad in old cardboard boxes, the only thing available to help keep these vulnerable babies warm.

There are no incubators – staff make do by putting old plug-in radiators between the cots. Yet, despite the lack of resources, the staff are dedicated and the mothers who come into the hospital are inspiring.

At another maternity facility, the Kelalla Health Clinic in the Kelalla district of Amhara, I asked male midwife Gashaw Geleta if pain relief such as epidurals were available. He grimaced and said: “I’m the only midwife looking after up to 25,000 women. We don’t have enough hygienic mattresses let alone pain relief. But the women don’t even ask.”

I found that amazing. The women here are so focused on doing the best for their babies they tolerate the pain. Despite the overwhelming number of patients, the dedication of staff is amazing.

And so is the gratitude the patients show – often in the face of huge adversity.

In a nearby village I met Asamenech Hamid, who was just 18 but had already become pregnant three times.

She became pregnant aged 11 and lost her first two babies when she went into labour as she walked to her parents’ home for help. Such prolonged labour, a result of not having services nearby, is a major cause of death for mums and children.

When she finally got medical help through a Save the Children-backed centre, Asamenech had her third baby safe and sound, and now encourages all mums to push for the help they need.

We hear a lot about tiger mummies in this country but women like Asamenech seemed to me to be the real tiger mummies. Surviving against the odds – fighting fiercely for their unborn babies.

One of the most emotional moments in my week-long trip was meeting a group of expectant mums, many aged 15 or 16, who had been abandoned by their partners.

They all said they were scared but they’d walked, often for miles, to get help. All of them would have been helped by education – by people being taught simple things such as washing hands to prevent infection, or how to extract a baby at the correct angle to prevent injury to mother and child.

In Ethiopia just 10% of births take place with skilled help and, around the world, some 40 million women are denied this.

I recall how scared I was to be 38 and having my first baby, even though I had the support of family, doctors and midwives.

I gave birth in a birthing pool for the first stage. My husband had made a CD of relaxing tunes, yet it was still terrifying and very painful. In Ethiopia my experiences would be a dream.

It’s a lottery there as to who survives and who dies. Yet people refuse to see their situation as hopeless.

At a farm in Kelalla I met 43-year-old Bahirnesh Legasse, who was 12 in the terrible famine of 1984. Most of her family died, but she miraculously survived.

She observed that the people who fared best when “the rains didn’t come” as she put it, were the ones who were educated.

So she vowed to strive to educate herself and her kids, and now is proud of the farm she runs for her family. She also trained as a birth attendant and volunteers to help others – proof that countries like Ethiopia can and do want to help themselves.

But they face difficult challenges and, for now, what they need most is our help. Save the Children wants us to put pressure on the world’s governments to act.

We might also, even though times are tough here, see if we can donate something that may be a sacrifice to us but might have made all the difference to Zewdit and her poor lost twins.

MARAAMMARTOO SIYAASAA IRRAA OF TIKISAA !!

SEENAA Y.G(2005) | Guraandhala 24, 2014

Ummati mirgi isaa dhiibame yk xuqame mirga isaa kabachiisuuf falmachuun ykn mormuun yk diddaa isaa mul’ifachuun mirga. Dirqamas. Mormii fi diddaan kun garuu, Ajandaa qaama biraa yk diinni qalbii keenya gara dabarsuuf yk waan keessa jirru hubachuuf waa tokko uumuu isaa irraa qofaan kaanee , waan yaannu hundaa irra buufannee, yaada diinaa sanas fashalsinee qofaa kan manatti gallu yoo taate, MARAAMMARTOO DIINAA nuuf kiyyeesse keessa seennee jiraachuu keenya hubachuu qabna. Diinni maraammartoo siyaasaa kan namaa qopheessuuf, joonja’anii akka kufaniif. Kana ragaadhaan deeggaruun barbaada.

“Dursa kaayyoo barruu kanaan kaa’a.”

Qabxiilee Maraammartoo siyaasaa jedhee dhiheessuuf deemu kana irratti, diddaan Ummati OROMOO Biyya keessaa fi alatti gaggeesse guutummaatti deeggaruu qofaa mitii, gama hundaan amma mirgi keenya kabajamutti akka itti fufu qabuttan amana. Kun ta’uuf ammo , waan amma itti jirru fi nu irratti ta’aa jiran caalaa waan har’a gamtaan dhaabbannee falmachuu qabnu akkuma jiru, waan dhaloota itti guddisaa deemnullee jiraachuu beekuun barbaachisaadha jedhee yaadu irraati. diddaa torban tokkotti xumuramtun odoo hin taanee, sagantaa bal’aa,  yk qophii bal’aa yk adeemsa dhalootaallee kan nu gaafatu, diina bara eeggatee nutti ka’us ta’e , nutti ka’ee jiru hundeetii buqqisuun alatti,  filmaati biraa akka hin jirree jala muruu qabna. diina uruursu irraa bu’aan argannee, waggaa 150 boodas tuffatamuu keenyadha. Miniiliikiis ta’ee H/Sillaasee kan  nu irratti faarfachuuf yaalaa jiran, siidaan isaanii akka dachee keenya irra dhaabbatee jiraatu hayyamuu keenyadha. sochii akka dungoo bakka muraasaatti iftuun odoo hin taanee, sochii akka ifa aduu bal’atutti ce’uu akka nu barbaachisu hubachuun dansaadha. Yoo dhalooti har’aa ykn dhalli Oromoo Addunyaa kana irra jiru furmaata buqqaasaa hin umiinitti, faarfachuunis, salphifamuunis, arrabsamuunis itti fufa. Dhalooti itti aanus bakkuma nuuti dhiitaa turre dhiitaa akka jiraatu taasiisu ta’a. kana geeddaruuf, Maraammartoo siyaasaa diinni nu kiyyeesseen odoo hin taane, galii fi ejjannaa keenya ta’uu hubannee irratti hojjachuu qofaan xumura dubbii itti gochuu dandeenya.

=Qabxiilee ka’umsaa .

1. Baddallee Biiraan  Dogoggora seenaan Namaa hin dhiifne hojjachuu yaaluu isaa irraa, ejjannoo Ummata Oromoo keessa deebii hin qabneen yaadi isaa naafatee hafeera. Naafachuun isaa itti deebi’uu dhabuu isaa hin mirkaneessu. Garuu Kana irraas barachuu qaba. Ummati Biyya keessaa fi alatti sochin taasise garuu kan nama boonsuudha.
2. Namichi mankaraarsituu Amaaraa tokko Intarneetaa fi midiyaa deeggartoota isaa irratti, Biyyi Oromiyaa jedhamtu hin jirtu , Oromoon bakka biraa dhufee qubate malee Biyyi kan isaa miti fi kkf jechuu isaan, mormiin abbootii dhimmaa irraa kannameef ammas boonsaadha. Dheekkamsi ilmaan Oromoo kan isaan rifaasisee fi adeemsa namichaa kanneen morman , (saboota biraa keessaa) danuudha. Bakka nu hin bu’u kan jedhan illee ni jiran. Kun of-tuultoota amaaraa keessaati. Deemee deemee miniliikiin faarsa.
3. Qabxii lammaffaa kanatti aanee ammo, Namichi Ani kibbaa ofiin jedhuu fi beekumsan qaba jedhu tokko, miniiliik lammiilee Oromoo harkaa fi harma hin murree. Kan kana raawwate Oromoodhaa . walaayittaa fi kanneen biroo irratti Oromootu waan kana raawwatee jedhee , beektoota keenya amma danda’u arraabse.Ummata Oromoos miniiliiki godhee lafa kaa’ee.
4. Baatii Hagayyaa 2013 keessas, Nama Affaaritti of himatu tokko, sochii qabsoo Oromoo irraa yaaddoo akka qabu, Qabsaa’oota keenya yakkamaa taasisuu kan barbaadu, Ilmaan Oromoo jechuma Itoophiyaa jedhamu balfachaa jiru fi Biyyattii sanaaf yaaddoo guddoon Oromoo ta’uu kaa’ee, sirna Fedaraalizimii kan deeggaru fakkaatee Tokkummaa isa durii kan dheebootu dubbifneerra.kunis ijaarsa miniiliik hin balaaleeffanne. Itoophiyaaf bo’a.
5. Wayyaaneen Ajandaan, Lammiileen Somaalee Itoophiyummaa malee kan biraa hin barbaannu jedhanii jedhee karaa miidiyaa isaa bara 2013 hololaa jiruun cinatti, jaruma kana maqaa liyyuu haayil jedhuun hidhachiisee obbolaa keenya fixaa jiraachuu fi adeemsi isaa kun eenyu irratti akka qiyyaafatu hubachuun nama hin rakkisu.
6. Maqaa Saboota biroonis itti fufun isaa dhakkii hin qabu.

Mee qabxiilee kana irratti qofaa Maraammartoo haa ilaallu. Qabxiileen Arfan waanuma baatiilee 3 asitti walitti aananii mul’ataniidha. Arfanuu adeemsi isaanii fi fedhiin isaanii tokkuma. Yaadi isaanii ykn kaayyoon yaada isaanii tokkodha. Garuu bakka shanii waa tokko irratti kaasuuf qiyyaafatame. Asi keessatti qaamni irratti qiyyaafatame Oromoo fi kaayyoo isaati. Warri irratti akka qiyyaafataniif irratti hojjatamaa jiran ammo, saboota shan  fakkeessuuf yaalame. kun maaliif barbaachise ? kana hubachuun rakkisaa natti hin fakkaatu. Maraammartoo diinni nu qopheesse ta’uu kan mirkaneessu isa kana. Affaar, Amaara , Ogaadeen, Walaayittaa ykn Ummattooti kibbaa wal=ta’anii waan kana shiru jedhee hin yaadu. sababaan warri gaaffii wal irraa qabu akkamiin waliin dhaabbatu ? diinni duris , ammaas anaaf tokkuma. diinuma . dura dhaabbatuun barbaachisaadha. garuu waan nu irratti raawwatame kun murtee akkamii , tarkaanfii akkamii barbaadu ? jedhanii kaasanii yeroo kennanii waan keessa deebii hin qabne, diinnis irraa baratu laachuutu irra caalaan jedheen amana. Sababaan , Mormii fi diddaan har’aa diina rifaasiseera. Garuu diinni nu dhabamsiisuu isaatti dhaadatuuf deebii gadi isa teesisu waan hin taanefidha. bara baraan waan miniliik raawwateen xuxxuqamu qabnaa ? hammeenya isaa kana yaadachaa jiraachuun carraa keenyaa ? waan isa nu yaadachiisu maaliif itti yaannee hin dhabamsiifnu ? waan furmaata nu ta’u itti yaannee maaliif ajandaa kana of irraa cufuuf hin hojjannu ?

Mee ilaalaa … Baddallee Biiraan waan yaadetti tarkaanfii gama hundaa fudhatamuun sababaan ,“miniiliik kaleessa Ummata keenya harkaa fi harma muruu fi ajjeechaa jumlaa raawwate nu irratti hin faarsitaniidha” !!!!!!!! mitii ????????hayyee dansaa . wayyaanee waggaa 20 oliif miidiyaa isaan Tewudiroos, Yohaannis, Miniliik, H/Sillaasee faarsaa fi dhaadheessaa jiran maaliif callifnee ilaallaree ? isaaniif hayyamne jechuudhaa ? kanaafan Maraammartoo siyaasaa keessa seennee akka hin miidhamne jedhe. Kan irratti akka naaf hubattan kanan barbaadu , sochiilee gama kanaan taasifaman salphisuu ykn mormuu koo akka hin taaneedha.

Ani kanan jechuu barbaade, badii Tewudiroos, Yohaannis, miniiliik, H/Sillaasee , Dargiitti furmaata maayyii yk kan bakkaa buqqisu irratti hojjachuu hanqachuun keenya, kan wayyaanee daballee baadhachuuf nu dirqisiisaa akka jiru haa hubannuudha. Rakkoon nu irra jiru kan hundee buqqisuuf wareegama itti kafalan ta’uu qabaadha. Akkuma Addunyaan itti jirtu, Kan bade bade, qabeenyaan kasaarru yoo jiraate kasaarree ,dhaloota itti aanu baraaruun ala furmaatii akka hin jirreedha.

Maraammartoo siyaasaa kana keessaa hedduu kan na raaje, Qamar Yusuuf, Walaayittaa dhageessaa, Sidaamaa Dhageessaa jedhee sirbuutti aanee, Namichi walaayittaan of waame waan    gubbaatti kaa’ee kana Intarneetaan facaase. Kana irraa ka’ee adeemsi kun hundi , qaama ta’e jedhee hojjatutu akka jiru nutti mul’isa. Kun ammo kan maddu, gaaffiin Oromoo dhageettii horachaa dhufuu, shirrii wayyaanee saboota hundaa Oromoo irratti kaasuuf hojjattu hongaa’uu fi adeemsi gama hundaan gaggeeffamu sodaachuu irraa ti. Yaada kiyya yoo hubattanii ta’eef, furmaata maayyii wal haa yaadachiifnu.

Miniiliik qofaa odoo hin taane, waan miniiliik nutti fide hundaa dura dhaabbachuudha. Kana gochuuf ammo nama isa nu yaadachiisuu eeggachuu hin qabnu. Waan miniiliik nu godhe karaan itti gumaa baanu hedduudha. Karaan kun ammo, waanuma inni nutti fide of irraa dhaabuudha.waan seenaa miniiliik nu yaadachiisu hundaa dachee keenya keessaa dhabamsiisuuf irratti hojjachuudha. Kun dhaabatti gatanii kan ilaalan miti. Ol-aantummaa qooqa tokkoo warra nu irratti faarsan dura dhaabbachuun , waan qooqa kanaan ba’anii eenyummaa keenya dhabamsiisuuf deeman hundaa toobbachuu, jireenya hawaasummaa qophummaa hawaasa keenya keessaa balleessuun, Maqaa keenyaa fi ijoollee keenyaa keenyatti moggaasuun, kkf fi waan hundeetii Hawaasa keenya keessaa haftee isaanillee dhabamsiifnee isaanuu isa akka dagatan taasisuu baannaan furmaata hin ta’u. kun halkan tokkotti hin ta’u. hunduu ga’ee isaa bakka jirutti irratti hojjachuu gaafata.akka nama dhuunfaa tokko kaasee hanga sabaatti waan hojjachuu qabnutu jira.

Qabxiilee biroo kutaa 2ffaa keessatti itti deebina.

HORAA BULAA !

Statement from the Leadership of the Oromia Media Network (OMN).

Oromia Media Network will be inaugurated on March 1, 2014.

Oromia Media Network (OMN) is a product of the unwavering spirit of the Oromo people, and their firm belief in freedom of expression and freedom of thought. We believe that the primary purpose of any media establishment is to offer thoughtful perspective on various issues. Cognizant of this, OMN is our grand step towards reclaiming our voice, the voice of truth and fair representation. We are elated to announce that Oromia Media Network will be launched on March 1st, 2014 in the heart of Minneapolis, Minnesota.

Oromia Media Network is an independent, nonpartisan and nonprofit news enterprise whose mission is to produce original, impartial, citizen-driven reporting. The goal of this network is to create multilingual news and programs that will serve as a reliable source of information in the greater horn of Africa region. OMN will offer perspectives grounded in objectivity rather than propaganda. It will uphold international core journalistic and ethical standards of truthfulness, objectivity, integrity, and public accountability while offering a uniquely Oromo perspective. These principles are integrated and adopted into our core values and editorial policy as a media entity.

OMN has a structural governing body that consists of the Board of Trustees, Executive Council and Editorial Board. The Board of Trustees is supervisory body of OMN, while the Executive Council is responsible for the overall management of the organization. The Editorial Board is charged with the development and production of news and other programs.

From Ayub Abubakar, who was murdered because he established the first Afaan Oromo radio in Mogadishu city, Somalia in 1960s, to Lelise Wodajo, who has just been forced into exile after years in jail, Oromo people and Oromo journalists in particular have sacrificed and paid the ultimate price for freedom of expression, to bring truth to light and tell their story in their own way. This project is the latest in this ardent effort to have our voice heard free from intimidation and censorship. We believe that the historic establishment of this media network is an integral part of the multifaceted struggle of the Oromo and other oppressed people to regain their freedom. This is evident in the unreserved support we have been receiving since we initiated this project. It is our collective effort that made it possible for us to stand at this pivotal point in our history.

Therefore, on behalf of the OMN leadership and the team that labored so hard to make this dream a reality, we take great pleasure in inviting Oromo and friends to join us for this historical inauguration at 2 PM on Saturday, March 1st, 2014 at University of Minnesota.

Hamza Abdurezak (PhD), Chairman of Board of Trustees
Girma Tadesse, Executive Director

Israel Begins Deporting African Asylum Seekers to Uganda.

In this Sunday, Jan. 5, 2014 file photo, African migrants chant slogans during a protest in Rabin’s square in Tel Aviv, Israel. Dozens of Africans have accepted an Israeli government offer to relocate to Uganda, an Israeli official said Wednesday, part of the Jewish state’s efforts to cope with an influx of migrants from the continent. (AP Photo/Ariel Schalit, File)

February 20, 2014 (Mint Press News) — The secret program, meant to lower the number of African immigrants flocking to the country for a better life, reportedly includes a $3,500 cash incentive to each deportee.

Due to intense pressure by the Israeli government and harsh living conditions, immigrants seeking asylum from several African nations have agreed to leave the state of Israel and relocate to a third-party country on the African continent, according to various reports.

Over the last several weeks, dozens of asylum seekers have agreed to leave Israel for Uganda, and some have already left, the Israeli newspaper Haaretz reported on Wednesday.

“Haaretz has obtained information that a Sudanese citizen who had been detained at the Saharonim detention center flew to Uganda, where he was reunited with his family,” the newspaper reported.

“The man called his friends in Israel and said there were six other asylum seekers from Sudan with him on the flight, all of whom had been released from Saharonim. The man also said he had received a grant of $3,500 for leaving the country, which is in keeping with the government’s ‘voluntary departure’ procedure.”

Saharonim Prison is an Israeli detention facility for African asylum seekers — mostly from Sudan, Eritrea and Ethiopia — located in the Negev Desert.

The Africans claim they are fleeing persecution and danger. Israeli officials claim they are job seekers, but have had a difficult time deporting them because of grave human rights situations in their home countries, which are also often in some state of conflict or post-conflict status.

Another report by the Associated Press sourced an unnamed Israeli official who confirmed the existence of the program and said about 30 African immigrants have so far agreed to leave Israel for Uganda.

Israeli officials told the High Court of Justice in June that it had reached a deal with a third country that could take in the immigrants, but would not reveal the name of the country, Haaretz reported. Senior Israeli officials later confirmed that the country was Uganda.

Both the Haaretz and AP articles reported that Ugandan officials have denied the existence of the program.

“We are not privy to such an arrangement,” David Kazungu, a Ugandan government commissioner who is in charge of refugees, told the AP.

The East African nation has played host to many refugees through the years, especially those emigrating from conflict-wracked countries along its borders, like the Democratic Republic of the Congo and South Sudan. However, in this instance it appears there are no guarantees that once the immigrants arrive in Uganda they would be afforded protection or asylum status.

“The State of Israel is proposing to asylum seekers a return to Uganda with no assurances or official agreement,” Reut Michaeli, director of the Hotline for Refugees and Migrants, said on Wednesday, according to Haaretz.

“In addition to all that, it is known that Uganda deports asylum seekers to their countries of origin.”

The report further notes that as far as Michaeli understood the situation, the asylum seekers will not receive legal status in Uganda and they will not have any papers allowing them to leave if they wanted to go anywhere else on their own.

According to the Population and Immigration Authority, as of Sept. 2013 there were 53,646 asylum seekers from Africa in Israel. Among them were 35,987 Eritreans, 13,249 Sudanese and 4,400 people from other countries, Haaretz reported.

Is Ethiopia’s Renaissance Dam viable?

Ethiopia’s Great Renaissance Dam is constructed in Guba Woreda, some 40 km (25 miles) from Ethiopia’s border with Sudan, June 28, 2013

Not only are there grave technical dangers to Ethiopia’s proposed Renaissance Dam. It could prove an economic white elephant, writes Maghawry Shehata

February 20, 2014 (ahram Online) – In a previous article on Ethiopia’s Renaissance Dam I discussed a number of serious problems associated with this project. Specifically, I focussed on a number of geo-engineering issues involved in the construction of a hydraulic project of this size and reservoir capacity in the proposed location near the Ethiopian border with Sudan and the potential dangers these issues pose, if not properly addressed, to Sudan and Egypt, as well as to Ethiopia itself. Today, I will focus briefly on the economic feasibility of the project and its funding, drawing on available information and statistics, particularly those furnished by Ethiopia.

It is well known that a number of international agencies have been assisting Ethiopia in the construction of some of its dams. For example, the World Bank granted $331 million to help fund the Gilgel Gibe I Dam the construction of which was carried out by the Italian Salini firm. The Salini construction company was also awarded the contracts to build the Gilgel Gibe II and Gilgel Gibe III dams on the Omo River, the former funded by Italy and the European Investment Bank (EIB), the latter by the Ethiopian government. China funded the construction of the Tekeze Dam on the Atbara River at the cost of $365 million and carried out by the Sinohydro Corporation. China is also funding the construction of five other dams to the tune of $1.5 billion.

The construction of the Renaissance Dam is also being carried out by Italy’s Salini construction firm. The Ethiopian government has stated that it would foot the costs, which are likely to amount to $10 billion by the time of completion. However, due to limited fluidity, Addis Ababa has had to issue a bond for this purpose, purchasable by Ethiopians at home and abroad. In view of the per capita income levels in the country, raising this money domestically may prove difficult. It appears that Ethiopia has few alternatives. Either it can persist in its obstinate determination to build a dam of this size and pour into it huge sums of money which will detract from budgetary allocations for all other areas of life (healthcare, education, food supply, agriculture, environmental protections, etc), or it can borrow from foreign donors. A third alternative is to accept partnership from the downriver Nile Basin nations (Sudan and Egypt). But Addis Ababa has rejected the principle of partnership, while Egypt, for its part, has stipulated a number of conditions for partnership, the foremost being that Ethiopia abandon the idea of a mega-dam with such ambitious specifications and which will pose certain dangers not only for Egypt and Sudan, but for Ethiopia itself.

Recently, Turkey attempted to insert itself into the equation. During a visit to Ethiopia, the Turkish foreign minister announced that Ankara was willing to support the Renaissance Dam’s construction. Most likely, any package would include funding from Qatar, in view of Ankara and Doha’s shared hostility, at present, towards Egypt and the Egyptian people.

Such international political questions aside, a number of domestic economic and political questions surround over the Renaissance Dam. Some have questioned the cost-effectiveness of the project, especially in light of technical studies that point to construction risks as well as to a large loss factor in the energy generated by the dam — that the actual power generated by the Renaissance generators will be only 30 per cent of its theoretical production capacity, in contrast to 40 to 60 per cent rates for smaller hydroelectric plants in Ethiopia. Such problems have led many Ethiopian experts and commentators to question the value of the project for the Ethiopian people. Writing in one of the most widely circulating newspapers in Ethiopia, the prominent Ethiopian writer Barkout Bouhash openly wondered whether the Renaissance Dam would bring all the political and economic gains that the government claimed it would or whether the claims were no more than slogans. He pointed out that the government had never furnished the public with any concrete details. Another question of transparency — or the lack thereof — hovers over the dam. The construction contract was awarded without a competitive bid to Salini which, moreover, has a record of demanding amendments to contracts in light of technical obstacles entailing huge hikes in costs.

In view of the numerous flaws and mistakes that are already known to exist in the plans for the dam, the costs are certain to far exceed current projections. That construction will not be completed by the scheduled time, will further complicate matters for the Ethiopian government which has been working to obtain various strategic advantages, over Egypt in particular, and has planned accordingly. Meanwhile, Cairo has offered Addis ways out of its impending problems. Egyptian experts have proposed numerous alternatives that would enable Ethiopia to meet its energy and development needs, but Addis rejected these out of hand.

Nevertheless, Egypt has the responsibility to approach the Renaissance Dam question with good will, in keeping with international rules and conventions, even as its patience has worn thin during the various negotiating phases. Still, in addition to continuing to propose alternative solutions, Egypt must simultaneously address the international community, alerting it to Addis Ababa’s lack of cooperativeness and to the grave dangers its Renaissance Dam project poses to Egyptian water and food security and to the safety and well-being of the Egyptian people.

The Egyptian minister for water resources and irrigation has responded to his Ethiopian counterpart’s invitation to discuss the pending problems. Hopefully, this time the dialogue will prove constructive and not another attempt to buy time.

Source: ahram Online

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Egypt to officially demand halt in construction of Ethiopian dam

Minister of Irrigation Mohamed Abdel-Motteleb told Al-Ahram daily newspaper that Egypt may in a few days send an official statement demanding that construction of the Ethiopian dam be halted until a mutually agreeable solution is found.

Irrigation Ministry spokesperson Khaled Wassef told Ahram Online that four attempts to negotiate the matter, the last of which proved an utter failure, have already been extended by Egypt.

Abdel-Motteleb also told Al-Ahram daily that should the Ethiopian government offer new solutions, Egypt would nevertheless welcome a new round of negotiations.

“All proposals submitted by Egypt to the Ethiopian government have been obstinately rejected and without explanation,” Wassef added.

The planned Grand Renaissance Dam is a $4.2 billion hydro-electric dam on the Blue Nile, one of the main tributaries of the Nile.

The project has been a source of concern for the Egyptian government since May last year, when images of the dam’s construction stirred public anxiety about possible effects on Egypt’s share of the Nile water, the country’s main source of potable water.

Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan formed a tripartite technical committee to study the possible effects of the dam and try to generate consensus. Ethiopia maintains that Egypt’s water share will not be negatively affected by the successful completion of the project.

In recent meetings in Khartoum, the tripartite committee was scheduled to formulate a document that entails “confidence building measures” between the countries, and also to form a special international conflict-resolution committee.

However, the tripartite committee’s success was thwarted last December when Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir announced his support for the dam during a meeting with Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn.

Wassef has earlier said that the Ethiopian Grand Renaissance Dam faces financial as well as technical problems, and that the Ethiopian government’s statements that the project has been 30 percent completed are a “media show” for its own political gains.

Egypt has demanded that Ethiopia submit construction plans for the dam for assessment by international experts.

Meanwhile, Ethiopian Irrigation Minister Alamayo Tegno said his country is committed to the recommendations of an international committee of experts.